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None of these fashion markers is given priority over others, suggesting an equal positioning. Similar diversity is evident in other depicted religious artifacts and practices, including mosques and worship.

As implied above, markers of Islam in these advertisements show affiliation towards both Arabicized and traditional Indonesian cultural practices of Islam, what has become known as Islam Nusantara. Neither affiliation is given priority, and indeed the two may be complementary; in one flyer for Al-Kautsar, for example, Arabicized mosque architecture exists side by side with headscarves in the kerudung style and skullcaps. Figure 6.

Second, there is an interesting contrast between non-exclusivity and special positioning of Islam. In the film advertisements surveyed, the Islamic identity presented was not exclusive.

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Characters are shown as having multi-faceted identities, of which Islam was but a part. In the latter, this warrior is also carrying a guitar, implying musical activities. In these advertisements, being Muslim does not mean looking only towards the heavens, but also facing life on Earth. Likewise, Islam is not given an exclusive position in Indonesian religious discourse.

Advertisements for films explicitly intended as dakwah, for example, seek also to draw non-Muslim audiences. One advertisement for Sunan Kalijaga dan Syech Siti Jenar, for example, offered ten national savings accounts equivalent to the cost of going on the hajj pilgrimage as grand prizes, rather than the hajj pilgrimage itself, which could not be enjoyed by non-Muslims.

Meanwhile, advertisements for Al-Kautsar and Sunan Kalijaga contain quotations that are explicitly identified as Jurnal Komunikator Vol. In an advertisement for Al-Kautsar, the film director Teguh Karya is quoted as saying, 'I'm a Christian, but I'm very proud to see this film. It's very good and not exclusively for Muslims, but for all religious persons. I'm a Christian, but I was touched to see this film. Of the Suharto-era advertisements surveyed, only one religion other than Islam was depicted explicitly: Christianity.

Some advertisements featured churches, such as Karmila ; Catholic nuns, such as Permainan Bulan Desember A December's Game, ; or crosses, such as Jakarta, Jakarta , shows a cross and a woman in a Western-style wedding dress. Unlike advertisements depicting markers of Islam, advertisements depicting Christianity did not include text affirming Christianity or contain commentary regarding universal lessons. Rather, these advertisements used approaches similar to advertisements for films without explicit markers of religion.

Only in dakwah films is the role of religion advertised, indicating Islam's special position in contemporary Indonesian discourse. Indonesian film advertisements during the Reform era — Following the fall of Suharto in , and as a consequence of decades of Islamic revival, film advertisements in Indonesia began to include markers of Islamic religious identity more regularly. However, such film advertisements existed together with advertisements that featured not explicit symbols of religious practice.

As in the Suharto Era albeit with less revealing styles , many advertisements depict Indonesians wearing Western clothing, running the gamut from V-necked shirts i. Many depict Indonesians in explicitly foreign contexts, such as the tulip fields of the Netherlands Negeri van Oranje, or the canals of Venice LDR, Films based on legends or history, meanwhile, have continued to depict traditionally garbed persons outside of a specific religious contexts, as in Kartini As with the Suharto era, films advertisements in the Reform era that include markers of Islam have utilized a broad variety.

As previously, fashion markers have been common. Men in these advertisements continue to wear turbans or skullcaps, and may be presented with facial hair such as moustaches or beards. However, turbans are uncommon in advertisements for films set in contemporary Indonesia; examples identified in this study Figure 7 are taken from posters for Sang Pencerah The Lightbringer, and Sang Kiai The Scholar, , both films with historical settings. Rather, where head coverings are worn by men, be they children as in the poster for Negeri di Bawah Kabut [Land under the Fog, ] or adults as in the poster for Dalam Mihrab Cinta [In the Prayer Niche of Love, Men may also be depicted as wearing baju koko, a Chinese- influenced garment identified as Islamic in contemporary discourse.

Figure 7. These men, however, are rarely depicted as being in the midst of certain activities. Where these men are younger and thus appealing to young adults, who make up the majority of movie-goers in Indonesia [citation needed] , they are generally positioned at the forefront of the group; where these men are older, they are more commonly positioned at the back of the group, as in the poster for Ketika Cinta Bertasbih When Love Prays, This forefronting of individuals, and simultaneous lack of emphasis on action, suggests that these advertisements' understandings of Muslim masculinity are not derived from activities, but rather presentation.

In these film advertisements, Muslim men are well-groomed and well-dressed, and while they may be smooth- Page 67 faced in their youths, as they mature they will grow and maintain beards. Theirs is not the active and macho masculinity of the Suharto era, but an urbane one.

Figure 8. Generally, however, the headscarves worn by women in film advertisements are those that expose the face but conceal the hair, as common in contemporary Indonesian society. Figure 9. Veiled women in educational pursuits in Iqro , Hijabers in Love , and MARS Interestingly, however, film advertisements in the Reform era have shifted away from the frequent depiction of women wearing headscarves as invoking the act of worship.

Indeed, in several film advertisements women wearing headscarves are depicted as pursuing higher education or otherwise aspiring to pursuits that have long been male dominated Figure 9. In the poster for Iqro , for example, a young girl wearing a headscarf is depicted as looking up at the stars, an observatory behind her implying that she seeks to become an astronomer.

Meanwhile, posters for the films Hijabers in Love and MARS respectively depict women wearing headscarves as seeking an education in a state-run senior high school implied by the uniform and at Oxford University.

This shift implies a rejection of women being positioned solely as keepers of tradition, positioning them instead as being able to pursue higher education and implicitly contribute actively in the public sphere. As noted by Imanda , pp.

These include a series of films adapted from works by Habiburrahman El Shirazy, which include in their titles the words ayat verse , tasbih prayer beads , and mihrab prayer niche , as well as references to the asma'ul husna 99 names of God in 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa 99 Lights in the European Sky, , the Islamic oath of faith in Syahadat Page 68 Cinta Oath of Love, , and the common greeting in Assalamualaikum Beijing Peace on You, Beijing, However, unlike in the Suharto era, these Arabic-language loan words are not presented in an Arabic script, instead following the standard Indonesian-language transliteration.

Indeed, for the most part this script is not present in film advertisements. For the most part, physical symbols of Islam—aside from the fashion markers discussed above— are rare in Reform-era film advertisements. Depictions of the Qur'an, of prayer beads, or even of the act of worship itself are limited—even in advertisements for films that present these symbols linguistically through their titles. Only two examples have been identified in the film advertisements reviewed.

In the poster for Sajadah Ka'bah Prayer Rug and Kaaba, , a prayer rug is depicted as a barrier between two rows of people. This is only the prayer rug as a physical object; it is not being used for worship.

Meanwhile, in the poster for Mencari Hilal The Crescent Moon, , an older man is depicted as wearing a skullcap, a Qur'an in his left hand and prayer beads in his right hand Figure Unlike in the majority of contemporary film advertisements, he is depicted as having been in the act of uttering remembrances zikir , albeit interrupted by the activities of the young man by his side.

Figure A man with prayer beads and a Qur'an in Mencari Hilal Only mosques have remained common in representations of Islam in Reform-era film advertisements. Indeed, these are found in a wide range of advertisements—particularly for films with explicitly Islamic themes—with examples from 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa , Sang Kiai , and Surau dan Silek presented in Figure 11 below.

Unlike fashion markers, representations of these mosques and other places of worship have remained diverse, with architectural styles reflecting their individual societies.

These are discussed herein. In the positioning of Islam relative to Indonesia's other five recognized religions Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism , as well as relative to other ideologies, there has been a considerable shift.

As mentioned above, film advertisements produced under the New Order government were careful to embrace audiences of all religious backgrounds. Some advertisements sought testimonials from non-Muslim viewers who were respected in their fields, as in the quotations offered above.

Others positioned these films using more universal appeals; one advertisement for Al-Kautsar, for example, cited a religious scholar named Kyai Haji Misbach as saying that persons of all religions should see the film for its depiction of the struggle between morality and immorality. This, and other similar practices, was certainly influenced by the socio-cultural context of the time.

Such a tendency, however, is less evident in advertisements released in the Reform era. Advertisements for films marketed as Islamic no longer bear testimonials from non-Muslims, or from individuals who present them as conveying universal values. Characters likewise tend not present attributes of non-Islamic religions; for example, the poster for 3 Hati Dua Dunia Satu Cinta 3 Hearts Two Worlds One Heart, , a film on interfaith relationships, does not show her wearing a cross necklace despite it being present in the film Figure This reflects a general tendency in Indonesian film advertisements, where symbols of non- Islamic religions have become uncommon.

Where present, such symbols have often been in advertisements for films explicitly promoting interfaith harmony, such as?

Even before this film code was passed, it is apparent that inclusivity was expected in material intended for public, popular consumption, as seen in advertisements for Al- Kautsar Opposition of Islamic and non-Islamic attributes in Kiamat Sudah Dekat and The Power of Love Representations of the relationships between specific understandings of Islam and other understandings or even other ideologies have been somewhat more diverse.

Both advertisements position characters with Islamic fashion markers as diametrically opposed to persons who seemingly embrace other systems of belief. In the former, a calm veiled woman, implicitly linked to the metaphor of womanhood as a flower through her rose, is placed opposite a rocker wearing chains and sunglasses; below them, a man in a skullcap is diametrically opposed a youth in a baseball cap whose hands form the 'sign of the horns' common in heavy metal culture.

Meanwhile, in the latter, a set of four well-kempt Muslims in white attire, headscarves, and skullcaps are set opposite individuals whose fashion markers suggest them to be, respectively, a person of poor personal grooming, a business executive, a Chinese woman, and a thug preman. The distance between them is underscored by the central pillar of the National Monument in Jakarta, a visual barrier between them.

In other advertisements, tension is still present, yet not presented as starkly. The poster for Surga yang Tak Dirindukan An Unwanted Paradise, , for example, depicts a veiled woman in a pink jacket, standing next to a young man and smiling. Behind them, in the distance, is an unveiled woman in a tight shirt and jeans, seemingly upset at their happiness. This contrast indicates a degree of tension between them, which is expanded upon in the film. This transformation, from veiled to unveiled, suggests a tendency towards viewing homogenization as a means of preventing conflict.

Such 9 In the Surga yang Tak Dirindukan, the character Mei Rose is presented as becoming pregnant out of wedlock and as 'stealing' a woman's husband, ultimately becoming his second wife. There is a tendency in Indonesian films for the women who commit extramarital affairs and become pregnant outside of wedlock to be presented as not wearing headscarves; a similar case is found in Assalamualaikum Beijing , although the advertisements for that film do not depict the character in question. Page 71 Figure The veiling of Mei Rose between Surga yang Tak Dirindukan and Surga yang Tak Dirindukan 2 Other film advertisements have been more inclusive in positioning films' understandings of Islam relative to other understandings and ideologies.

Some advertisements, such as those for Catatan Akhir Kuliah Notes from the End of University, and Hijab , for example, depict women and, in the former, men wearing a wide range of fashion markers interacting as equals Figure The former depicts young women in headscarves, interacting in a university setting with women who are not veiled, including one with exposed shoulders and another in business attire.

In the latter, meanwhile, four women are depicted standing on a stage together, smiling. The clothing of each woman is indicative of a different understanding of the requirement to cover one's private areas, or aurat and, by extension, a different understanding of Islam. Although tension is suggested by their presentation as mannequins, this tension is not between the women themselves, but rather between them and the persons holding the strings.

Building on a previous study that focused solely on the Suharto era Woodrich, , it has shown that, during the Suharto era, film advertisements used diverse markers such as turbans, skullcaps, headscarves, language, the Qur'an, prayers, prayer beads, mosques, and the Kaaba to project an Indonesian Islamic identity. This identity was shown, through commentary from explicitly identified non-Muslims and emphasis of universal values, to be non-exclusive, even as religious themes only being emphasized in films that prominently featured Islam suggests the religion received positioning in contemporary Indonesian popular discourse.

Meanwhile, Islam was positioned as having diverse practices, but ultimately uniting all Muslims in a shared faith. Meanwhile, during the Reform era, film advertisements have used somewhat less diverse markers. Fashion markers such as turbans, skullcaps, and headscarves, as well as markers such as Jurnal Komunikator Vol. In the Reform era, understandings of Muslim masculinities and the position of women have shifted, with men becoming more urbane and women being more commonly depicted in the public sphere.

However, at the same time, there has been a tendency—especially in advertisements for films classified as film Islami—towards increased homogenization in the representation of specific Muslim. In some cases, specific Islamic identities Page 72 have even been placed in direct opposition to other identities. This discussion indicates that, as Islam has enjoyed continued—or even strengthened— special positioning in Indonesian discourse, there has been a trend in Indonesian film advertising towards representing it as more exclusive.

Even when diverse ideologies and understandings of Islam are implied in advertisements, this does not extend to religious minorities as it did to some extent under the Suharto government. This indicates that film advertisements, as with the films they advertise, are sites of discourse on issues of Indonesian religious identity and the role of religion in everyday life. Galih dan Ratna. Hijabers in love. Darihati Films.

Catatan akhir kuliah. Demi Gisela Citra Sinema. Kiamat sudah dekat. Dipa Jaya Film. Si Pitung beraksi kembali. Sajadah Ka'bah. Falcon Pictures. Haji backpacker. Negeri van Oranje. Firman Abadi Film. Menggapai matahari II. Fullframe Pictures. Cahaya cinta pesantren. Usia Gemini Satria Film. Anak-anak buangan. Haka Film. Kutukan Nyai Roro Kidul. Hanna Internasional Film.

Kamasutra Film. Jakarta, Jakarta. Kaninga Pictures. Bid'ah cinta. Legacy Pictures and Screenplay Films. Surau dan silek. Iqro: Petualangan meraih bintang. Matari Artis Jaya Film.

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Permainan bulan Desember. Maxima Pictures. Assalamualaikum Beijing. MD Pictures. Ayat-ayat cinta. Di Bawah lindungan Ka'bah. Surga yang tak dirindukan. Ayat-ayat cinta 2. Surga yang tak dirindukan 2. Panggilan Ka'bah. Mizan Productions. Multi Buana Kreasindo et al. Multivision Plus Pictures. Sang pencerah.

MVP Pictures et al. Mencari hilal. Naviri Film. Cinta segi tiga. Piramid Citra Perkasa. Syahadat cinta. Putra Utama Film. Ya Allah ampuni dosaku.

Rapi Film. Aladin dan lampu wasiat. Pasukan berani mati Rapi Films. Sang kiai. Rhoma Irama Film. Satria bergitar. Page 73 Sippang Jaya Film. Sippang Jaya Film. SinemArt Pictures. In Indonesia where the version of Islam is relatively moderate, many religious people still consider film spectatorship as sinful.

At the same time, cinema has frequently taken religious life or spiritual- ity as a source of inspiration and of significant stories to tell. Spreading the word of God, the most fundamental reason for the existence of religious organization, seems to be in line with the basic nature of cinema. In newly democratic Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim popula- tion in the world, movies with Islamic themes have been popular since early , when Verses of Love Ayat-Ayat Cinta , a love story with a Muslim background, became a box office hit.

In a country, where the local film production is dominated by teen flicks, cheesy love stories, and horror movies, this success came as a sur- prise. While in Indonesia even a poorly selling horror film will still sell , tickets and the best could sell one and a half million,4 Ayat-Ayat Cinta sold a total of four million tickets,5 proving that the local market can occasionally be tapped for unlikely themes.

Ayat-Ayat Cinta was not the first film after the political reform which attempted to represent Muslim life; a digital film called Doomsday is Approaching Kiamat Sudah Dekat was released in However, this movie failed at the box office.

This failure might be the reason why it took five years for another film representing Islam to be commercially released. Since then, there has been a steady trickle of religious films in Indonesia. While not all of these films did well at the box office, it is safe to say that a new subgenre in Indonesian cinema has emerged. This essay discusses the correlation and struggle between the two motives behind making these types of religious films: In this essay, I shall limit my discussion of main- stream Islamic cinema to the above five mainstream movies.

Another important caveat is that labelling these movies as independent and mainstream respectively in relation to their distribution methods might suggest that the two sides are in clear-cut opposition. They are not, as the producer of Sang Murabbi is considering to release the film theatrically in order to recoup his cost. My interest in this essay is to identify initial motives in each movie: The Muslim majority in Indonesia is a significant potential market; therefore the production of Islamic or at least Islamic-looking movies is a potentially profitable endeavour.

Identifying the Islamic Cinema in Indonesia In the marketing of these religious movie or film religi, as the Indonesian entertain- ment news calls this important new subgenre , their religious character has been stressed in promotional tools such as posters and trailers. Their titles usually stem from religious terminology to further emphasize their religious subject matter. Posters of these films show the characters wearing religious attire and posing as in prayer or the like, and trailers also play on the religious character of those movies.

In some cases, these films even begin or end or both with well-known clerics preaching. The emergence of these movies is significant considering the role of cinema in newly democratic Indonesia. Throughout modern history, authorities in Indonesia tackled religious issues carefully. In the colonial period, the Dutch got the fiercest opposition from certain religious figures,6 resulting in different policies on Islamic religious life.

Learning from history, Soeharto crushed communism and was also harsh to the outward expression of religion. Therefore, filmmakers were extra careful when dealing with religious topics. In that sense, the political past of Indonesia is not yet over in the film industry: Despite the democratic revolution of , contemporary filmmakers mostly still shy away from controversial topics.

Reasons for this include the trauma of long government control and a market-ori- ented distribution system.

Critics like Widodo have pointed out that the reform process outside the film sphere runs smoother, and Indonesians now enjoy more freedom in political, cultural, and religious expression. The country has a freer press, commercial television and radio stations, liberal as well as deeply conservative religious books. Islamic popular culture grows in correspondence with the Islamic political movement and lifestyle,8 and spreads especially in among the middle class and the educated urban elite.

When defining what religious cinema is, most critics focus on visual represen- tation. However, in a public discussion about the trend towards a Muslim cinema in Indonesia, film critic Eric Sasono and film scholar Ekky Imanjaya pointed to prob- lems with this definition.

He suggested that these senti- ments can be achieved by two means. The first is through propagating the teach- ings of Islam that will give the viewer a better understanding of the religion.

In her book, Religion and Film: An Introduction, Melanie J. The prominent Indonesian literature critic Goenawan Mohammad provides a way when he sets apart two main tendencies in Indonesian Islamic literature: Islam in Film before Political Reform: Suspicious to the Authorities Before I resume the discussion of the narrative structure of the new Indonesian film religi, it is important to provide a brief history and some context of Islamic repre- sentations in Indonesian cinema.

Even in the colonial time, the Muslim majority has been seen as a potential threat by the ruling class, and Muslim leaders have been forced to accommodate the political interests of the authorities. Thus, it was a long time after the first Indonesian feature film in that a movie attempted a rep- resentation of Islam. In this period, filmmakers and artists were discouraged from creating works that included strong political or cultural propaganda, since Soekarno emphasized his concept of harmonious leadership under the label of NASAKOM, short for Nasionalis-Agama-Komunis, the peaceful coexistence of nationalist, religious, and communist elements of the country.

However, the conflict between these three sectors escalated in the early s, and this took its toll on the arts, as artists and filmmakers started to show their true colors in their works. The movie indeed was harshly criticized by some leaders of the com- munist party. Both films were meant to propagate Islamic values, specifically for the hajj ritual, and took great pains in informing potential travellers about the necessary steps and the process of the trip.

The Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Religion were both involved in the production of Tauhid, and the movie explicitly discusses issues of spirituality among Indonesian pilgrims in Mecca.

The term was used to remind people not to publicly comment on any- thing related to these social groups to assure stability. Ironically, the government used religious symbols to propagate their own messages.

In , with support from the ruling political party, filmmaker Ami Priono exploited preacher charac- ters to promote government programs in Dr Siti Pertiwi Returns to the Village Dr. Siti Pertiwi Kembali Ke Desa.

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In the same year, a proposal for another film, Cleric War Perang Padri , was denied by the Censorship Board under recommendation of the Department of Education and Culture. The movie was based on the history of the struggle of religious leaders against the Dutch colo- nial rulers, and the officials believed that the storyline—that emphasizes the con- flict between the clerics at one side and the Dutch allied with traditional leaders on the other side—was too sensitive.

This did not really affect his popularity though. When controls were relaxed under pressure for openness and transparency in the early s,23 the performer Rhoma Irama, director Chairul Umam, and scriptwriter Asrul Sani teamed up with the famous cleric Zainuddin MZ to produce a film called Tone and Commune Nada dan Dakwah in This film was specifically marketed to Muslims with a similar marketing model as the contemporary Islamic films, considering the specific Islamic term in the title, the leading actress wearing a Muslim scarf on the poster, and the appearance of a leading religious figure in the movie.

The film explores the conflict between the need to develop the economy and to keep religious faith. While the film did not do well at the box office, critic JB Kristanto believes that this is the best Rhoma Irama movie. Indeed it was nominated for and won several awards. Moreover, during the s many action and horror movies starred clerics or pious characters that eventually became a staple of these genres. After Political Reform: Under Market Control The Indonesian cinema was in a bad state after the import of Hollywood and Hong Kong movies was reintroduced in After more than one hundred films in and , the production number dropped to sixty-one in , dropped again to about thirty films a year from to , and fell drastically to only four movies both in and After the political reform in , a new generation of younger filmmakers tried to rebuild the industry from scratch.

The change in the political situation in the post-Reformasi period, a new distribution system, and market resistance to local films were among the factors that shaped the Indonesian film industry in the last couple of years. As the film industry started to grow again in the early s, old players jumped back into film business, and these producers are continuously looking for exploitable patterns in audience preference. In local feature film production was back to seventy titles per year, most of them horror movies and sex comedies,27 the two genres that are virtually guaranteed to make a profit in Indonesia.

The new political freedom in the post-Reformasi period enabled the Islamic movement to grow among middle-class-educated-urban Indonesians, and many of these people are becoming loyal consumers of Islamic popular culture. The first movie that seriously tried to cater to this new market was the romantic comedy Doomsday is Approaching Kiamat Sudah Dekat, It was produced and directed by the veteran actor Deddy Mizwar, who also played a supporting role as the cleric father of the female character.

Mizwar was popular for playing the Sufi teacher Kalijogo in the aforementioned s action movies Sunan Kalijogo and Sunan Kalijogo vs Syech Sitijenar With his production company Mizwar has targeted the Muslim market with a number of television series.

He has also assumed an image as a pious Muslim by continuously playing clerics in those series, and he has claimed that making movies is part of his prayer. In , Mizwar finally got about 1. Not until five years later, was another film with Islam representation released: Ayat-Ayat Cinta was watched by more than four million viewers in May It is one of the first feature films of the production company MD Entertainment, which was formed in and makes most of its profit from producing television series.

The story is based on the successful religious novel written by an Al Azhar University graduate, Habibburahman El-Shirazy. The fact that it was based on such a popular book made Ayat-Ayat Cinta a long anticipated movie, especially within middle class Muslim societies. The movie is great, the message is clear. Din Sjamsuddin, head of one of the biggest Islamic organizations Muhammadiah and another aspiring, yet ultimatively unsuccessful, candidate for the presidency, claims that Ayat-Ayat Cinta spreads the message of love and peace.

The initiator, the famous cleric Yusuf Mansur, claimed that the movie was planned before the entire craze about Islamic cinema began. He aimed to get 1. Therefore Mansur worked hard to create a situation similar to Ayat-Ayat Cinta, including inviting politicians from an Islamic party to attend. He also took the main casts and crews to the presidential palace and asked the President himself to watch the movie. In late February , Yusuf Mansur announced that he will run for the presidency.

Then Mengaku Rasul appeared. It was produced by Starvision, an old film company that is led by another producer of South Asian descent, Chand Parvez. On many occasions he keeps reminding people that his ancestors are Pakistani, not Indian, like other producers of South Asian descent in Indonesia. He chose Helfi CH Kardif, a filmmaker with experience in making thrillers and mysteries, to helm the movie.

The narrative is closer to the mystery genre than drama, but to give the movie a more Islamic appeal, two different clerics open and close the film with sermons about the danger of people claiming to be new prophets. The movie sur- vived in the theaters for several weeks due to its perfect timing, coming at the peak of the controversy around the Ahmadiyah group in Indonesia, a multi-national Muslim organization whose spiritual leader who claimed to be a new prophet.

The next Islamic movie was Syahadat Cinta in August This film was adapted from an Islamic novel of the same name. However, unlike Ayat-Ayat Cinta, the production process was rushed, probably because the decision to produce the film was made just after the success of Ayat-Ayat Cinta.

Surely, this suspiciously speedy process affected the quality of the movie, and the adaptation process from the extensive novel to the film mangled the message of the book. The story ends with the protagonist leaving and criticizing the traditional institution of Islamic education.

However, the love story part dominates the narrative. There are too many characters, and the subplots are muddled. The conversion scenes are not sensitive, strengthening the impression that Islam is above other religions. Hidden beneath the love triangle is a story of a personal quest for spirituality within Islam. At the same time when all these commercial Islamic films came out, a film was released in October in Indonesia that can be considered as an indepen- dent Islamic movie: PKS is a growing political party with fanati- cal members consisting mainly of middle class Muslims.

The party recruits its members from religious university students and alumni, and its steadily growing numbers made them one of the most serious competitors in this general elec- tion. The film itself did not utilize any commercial cinema chain for its distribu- tion and was only launched publicly at a local Muslim trade fair in Jakarta.Comfort and satisfied. Veiled women in educational pursuits in Iqro , Hijabers in Love , and MARS Interestingly, however, film advertisements in the Reform era have shifted away from the frequent depiction of women wearing headscarves as invoking the act of worship.

Negeri di bawah kabut. The veiling of Mei Rose between Surga yang Tak Dirindukan and Surga yang Tak Dirindukan 2 Other film advertisements have been more inclusive in positioning films' understandings of Islam relative to other understandings and ideologies. Parents know best because they are older and more experienced about life.